“People are their own slave drivers; instead of being the slaves of a master outside of themselves, they have put the master within. This master is harsh and cruel. He does not give them a moment’s rest, he forbids them the enjoyment of any pleasure, does not allow them to do what they want. If they do so, they do it furtively and at the expense of a guilty conscience. Even the pursuit of pleasure is as compulsory as is work. It does not lead them away from the continual restlessness which pervades their lives. For the most part, they are not even aware of this.” – Erich Fromm
In the opening to his 1939 essay “Selfishness and Self-Love“, Erich Fromm argues that “modern culture is pervaded by a taboo on selfishness”. As he points out, humanity has a long history of treating selfishness as sinful, and loving others as a virtue– from Calvin theology that treats man as innately bad and powerless to Tolstoy’s declaration that “the sole meaning of life is to serve humanity”.
As children, we learn that it is better to give than to receive, as though these are always diametrically opposed actions. We are taught that selfishness is the same thing as self-love. That selfishness is narcissistic and evil and unselfishness is good and kind. That loving oneself necessarily excludes loving others. In the media, we’re constantly being told that the secret to happiness is found in helping others. Rarely a day goes by when I don’t see some post on Facebook or an article online about the importance of helping others, often treating its reverse– selfishness– as a character flaw.
But what if this is all misguided at best, and dangerous at worst? What if the truth was the opposite of what we’ve been taught? That true unselfishness requires self-love? In a provocative unpublished essay entitled “Is Human Nature Basically Selfish?”, the great humanistic psychologist Abraham Maslow offers some much needed clarity. As he points out, our current definitions of selfishness are highly problematic because they prejudge the issue; they are extremely value-laden. Consider the dictionary.com definition of selfish: “devoted to or caring only for oneself; concerned primarily with one’s own interests, benefits, welfare, etc., regardless of others.”
For most of us, due to the way we’ve been conditioned by society, this definition evokes a gut reaction that is overwhelmingly negative. Our gut reaction is that people who act selfishly are bad people, that this is not a good way to act. But as Maslow notes, “We must not assume that selfish or unselfish behavior is either good or bad until we actually determine where the truth exists. At certain times, selfish behavior is good, and at other times, it is bad. It also may be that unselfish behavior is sometimes good and at other times bad.”
Instead, he argues for the importance of distinguishing between selfish behaviors, selfish people, and selfish motivations. Selfish behaviors can be good or bad. Literally, all selfish means is that you are bringing pleasure and happiness to yourself without bringing the same pleasure and happiness to others. When you are watching a beautiful sunset alone, you are being selfish. But I hardly classify that as a negative behavior or lapse in character.
So what is a selfish person? This, too, is tricky. We often treat people who are consistently selfish as narcissistic or psychopathic. But is someone who lives a peaceful existence as a hedonist really a psychopath? Are all Bonobos psychopathic animals? What’s more, even psychopaths sometimes exhibit unselfish behaviors, and saints sometimes exhibit selfish behaviors. No one is 100% unselfish or 100% selfish. To be a selfish person isn’t necessarily good and virtuous or necessarily bad and narcissistic; it depends on the motivations underlying the selfishness.
Which leads to the importance of distinguishing among selfish motivations. Just because a behavior is labeled selfish, we should not automatically nod our heads in approval. Vice-versa, just because a behavior is labeled unselfish doesn’t mean we should automatically laud the person. Many seemingly unselfish behaviors are driven by selfish needs, and many truly selfish behaviors are disguised by seemingly unselfish gestures. As Maslow notes, “We must not always take unselfish behavior as its face value, for it may cover up a good deal of hostility, jealousy, and even hatred.”
When we look beneath the surface, we see that not only are selfishness and self-love not identical, but they are opposites. This might be a hard pill to swallow for those who have been taught their entire lives that selfishness is taboo, so let’s unpack this a bit. As Fromm explains, love is the opposite of hatred. While hatred is a passionate wish for destruction, love is a passionate affirmation of an object’s unique life, happiness, growth, and freedom. Those who are hateful people have a readiness to hate, just as those who are loving people have a readiness to love. This is their essential attitude toward the world.
For the hateful person, the hate usually starts with the self, but gradually gets directed to others. As Fromm notes, “the individual who has ceased to love himself is ready to die as well as to kill.” Hateful people want to destroy the happiness of others so that they can more easily deal with the lack of happiness within themselves. Truly loving people, however, have a readiness for love that has no boundaries– not even with the self. “The objects of love do not have the quality of exclusiveness,” notes Fromm.
Loving people have love toward themselves, and it is precisely this affirmation of their own unique self, happiness, growth, and freedom, that allows them to love others. Which is why it is sometimes healthy to act in a selfish manner. Too little self love can lead to psychopathology. People who consistently lack self-assertion and self-respect, and who consistently reject the satisfaction of their own basic needs in favor of satisfying the needs of others, often enter therapy so they can learn how to increase their self-love.
To help capture these nuances, Maslow argues that a new vocabulary is required. We can speak of healthy selfishness that is rooted in psychological abundance, and contrast it with unhealthy selfishness, that is rooted in psychological poverty. Healthy selfishness requires self-love. The person who is motivated by healthy selfishness is motivated by a desire to become a unique person, to learn, grow, and be happy.
Unhealthy selfishness is motivated by neuroticism and greed. For this person, his needs are insatiable, and he rarely receives any long-lasting satisfaction. “Greed is a bottomless pit which exhausts the person in an endless effort to satisfy the need without ever reaching satisfaction”, notes Fromm. When we look closely at people who are motivated by unhealthy selfishness, we see that that they do not really love themselves deep down, that that they do not have inner security and affirmation.
According to Fromm, the person with this form of selfishness “is only interested in oneself, wants everything for oneself, is unable to give with any pleasure but is only anxious to take; the world outside himself is conceived only from the standpoint of what he can get out of it; he lacks interest in the needs of others, or respect for their dignity and integrity. He sees only himself, judges everyone and everything from the standpoint of its usefulness to him, is basically unable to love.”
In today’s society, we are seriously lacking in self-love. If we want more peace, we need to think more seriously about creating the conditions that allow people to develop their unique intellectual, creative, and emotional capacities, the freedom to assert the totality of their being, and the opportunities to satisfy their basic needs. This will lead to a reduction in hatred, and a reduction in the drive to destruction– both to self and others.
In his new book “Peak: Secrets from the New Science of Expertise“, psychologist Anders Ericsson and journalist Robert Pool distill an impressive body of research on “mastering almost any skill.” Indeed, deliberate practice can help you master new skills. Deliberate practice involves a series of techniques designed to learn efficiently and purposefully. This involves goal setting, breaking down complex tasks into chunks, developing highly complex and sophisticated representations of possible scenarios, getting out of your comfort zone, and receiving constant feedback.
But as they note midway through their book — and I believe this is a really important caveat— the techniques of deliberate practice are most applicable to “highly developed fields” such as chess, sports, and musical performance in which the rules of the domain are well established and passed on from generation to generation. The principles of deliberate practice do not work nearly as well for professions in which there is “little or no direct competition, such as gardening and other hobbies”, and “many of the jobs in today’s workplace– business manager, teacher, electrician, engineer, consultant, and so on.”
And may I also add: almost any creative domain!
Deliberate practice is really important for fields such as chess and instrumental performance because they rely on consistently replicable behaviors that must be repeated over and over again. But not all domains of human achievement rely on consistently replicable behaviors. For most creative domains, the goals and ways of achieving success are constantly changing, and consistently replicable behaviors are in fact detrimental to success. While Kobe Bryant showcasing the same slam dunk and Tiger Woods getting a hole in one will reliably induce public applause, scientists can’t keep publishing the same paper over and over again, and writers can’t keep writing the same critically acclaimed novel over and over again and expect the same acclaim.
Artists are under constant pressure to surpass what they and others have done before, and it is precisely this pressure that drives them toward ever increasing originality. Artistic products can lose their “shock value” quickly. How many times would Lady Gaga have to consistently wear her meat dress without people getting bored? If people applied the techniques of deliberate practice to create a meat dress and wear it for Halloween, would those individuals be lauded for their creative genius? Probably not.
While creativity often draws on a deep knowledge base, creative products, by definition, are much more than expert products. This is because creativity must be original, meaningful, and surprising. Original in the sense that the creator is rewarded for transcending expertise, and going beyond the standard repertoire. Meaningful in the sense that the creator must satisfy some utility function, or provide a new interpretation. This constantly raises the bar of what is considered useful, and puts immense pressure on creators to find new meanings. Finally, creative products must be surprising in that the original and meaningful creative product must be surprising not only to oneself, but to everyone. This is exactly how the United States Patent Office evaluates new applications. Original and meaningful ideas that could have been created by any expert in the field are considered “obvious” and are therefore unpatentable. Creative products– such as the discoveries of Galileo and Leeuwenhoek– are surprising to everyone, novices and experts alike.
Over the past 50 years or so, there have been many systematic studies of the career trajectories of creative people, the traits that predict creativity, and the life experiences of creative people. This wealth of research on creativity contradicts the notion that deliberate practice is the sole– or even the most important– aspect of creativity. Below I will summarize 12 of these findings.
- Creativity is often blind. If only creativity was all about deliberate practice. We could all just practice our way to creative acclaim. But in reality, it’s impossible for creators to know completely whether their new idea or product will be well received. Oftentimes, the public isn’t ready for an idea. The creative product has to fit the “spirit of the times“. Although developing a feel for what people will like is certainly a skill that can be honed through experience, there will always be a certain degree of “blindness” or uncertainty to the creative process. As Simonton notes, “Only someone with almost infinite wisdom could figure out that the time is most ripe to conceive an experiment rather than a theory, to write a poem rather than a play, to paint a portrait rather than a landscape, or to compose a symphony rather than an opera.”
- Creative people often have messy processes. While expertise is characterized by consistency and reliability, creativity is characterized by many false starts and lots and lots of trial-and-error. There are many examples of a creative genius producing a masterpiece, only to be followed by a hugely unpopular product. For instance, Shakespeare’s most popular plays were created when he was about 38 years old. Around this time, he produced Hamlet, which is surely a treasure. However, soon after Hamlet, he wrote Troilus and Cressida, which is not nearly as popular. If creativity was merely a function of deliberate practice, you would expect that with increasing deliberate practice would come increasing creativity. But that’s not what you find when you look at the career trajectories of creators. Instead, you see a lot of trial-and-error, and peaks around mid-career, not towards the end of their careers when they presumably have acquired the most expertise.
- Creators rarely receive helpful feedback. When creators put something novel out into the world, the reactions are typically either acclaim or rejection– not nearly as useful feedback as making a foul shot to audience applause or checking your weight on a scale to see if you’re making progress toward your weight goals. Deliberate practice is really helpful when it comes to well-structured domains, but for most creative domains, you are working, often in solitude, for a very long time writing that novel or coming up with that mathematical proof, with very little immediate feedback. To muddy the waters even more, critics often disagree amongst each other, making it difficult for the creator to known which feedback is really helpful and which stems from other factors, such as obtuseness, jealousy, or bitterness. As Kuhn noted, the standards for artistic and scientific products are constantly changing. What may be considered a “revolutionary” best-selling book at one moment in time, may be considered utter drivel by future generations. This surely makes it hard to deliberately practice your way to a revolution!
- The “10-Year Rule” is not a rule. The idea that it takes 10 years to become a world-class expert in any domain is not a rule. While Ericsson didn’t present the variability statistics in his original paper on deliberate practice amongst musicians*, other psychologists have done such an analysis. For example, Simonton conducted an analysis of 120 classical composers and found that while on average, nearly a decade of compositional practice was important before the first major works appeared, the standard deviation was almost as large, with the range exceeding three decades! Many composers took less than 10 years and even more took longer than 10 years. Creativity doesn’t have an expiration date. Creativity seems to happen when it’s ready to happen.
- Talent is relevant to creative accomplishment. If we define talent as simply the rate at which a person acquires expertise, then talent undeniably matters for creativity. Some people clearly get more bang for the buck out of a given training regimen. When Simonton looked at his sample of 120 classical composers, he found that the most lauded creators were those who took the least time than the average to acquire the necessary expertise. This may be an inconvenient truth, but it does counter the idea that creativity is only about deliberate practice. Expertise acquisition appears to be the least interesting aspect of creativity as creators tend to be in a hurry to learn what exists so that they can go beyond what exists.
- Personality is relevant. Not only does the speed of expertise acquisition matter, but so do a whole host of other traits. People differ from one another in a multitude of ways. This includes general and specific cognitive abilities (IQ, spatial ability, verbal reasoning, etc.), personality dispositions, interests, and values. At the very least, research has shown that creative people do tend to have a greater inclination toward nonconformity, unconventionality, independence, openness to experience, ego strength, risk taking, and even mild forms of psychopathology. These effects are not trivial (for instance, openness to experience is robustly predictive of creativity), and can’t just be explained away by deliberate practice. Of course, each creative domain will feature its own “X-Factor” of abilities and traits that are most essential for creativity in that domain. Physics may require a higher IQ than the visual arts, for instance. Nevertheless, there do appear to be some traits that are conductive to creativity across domains.
- Genes are relevant. Ericsson often pits deliberate practice against “innate talent”. But here’s the thing: modern behavioral genetics has discovered that virtually every single psychological trait– including the inclination and willingness to practice— is influenced by innate genetic endowment. This doesn’t mean that genes determine our behavior. It just means that genes are relevant influences on our behavior, including our creative behaviors. Assuming that all of the individual differences that contribute to creativity have some genetic influence, Simonton estimated that somewhere between a quarter and a third of the differences in performance can be attributed to genetic factors. But it’s also important to emphasize that this doesn’t mean that environmental factors are unimportant.
- Environmental experiences also matter. Darwin’s cousin Sir Francis Galton, who is mainly known for his work on the hereditary basis of genius, actually showed that highly eminent scientists were more likely to be first-born sons. So he certainly didn’t neglect environmental influences on genius. Since Galton, researchers have found that many other environmental experiences substantially affect creativity– including socioeconomic origins, and the sociocultural, political, and economic context in which one is raised. These environmental factors are most likely larger compared to genetic factors. Another hugely important environmental factor for creativity is the availability of role models in one’s childhood and adolescent years.
- Creative people have broad interests. While the deliberate practice approach tends to focus on highly specialized training and purposeful techniques designed for improvement within a specific field, creative experts tend to have broader interests and greater versatility compared to their less creative expert colleagues. Simonton investigated all 911 operas composed by all 59 composers who contributed to the standard classical repertoire. If creativity were solely the result of deliberate practice, you would expect that the best approach for an opera composer would be to specialize within a particular genre of opera. But Simonton found the exact opposite. The compositions of the most successful operatic composers tended to represent a mix of genres. His data suggests that composers were able to avoid the inflexibility of too much expertise (overtraining) by cross-training. The importance of cross-training for creativity has also been found in the sciences. In fact, highly creative scientists tend to have a lot of artistic hobbies and interests. For instance, Simonton’s extensive analysis of Galileo reveals Galileo’s intense fascination with art, literature, and music. As the psychologist Howard Gruber has shown, rather than a dogged single pursuit of a single research question, the most creative scientists throughout history engaged in “networks of enterprise”, where they pursued a large number of loosely related projects.
- Too much expertise can be detrimental to creative greatness. The deliberate practice approach assumes that performance is a linear function of practice. While this may be true for many well-defined domains of human achievement, this doesn’t appear to be the case for creativity. The relationship between knowledge and creativity is best characterized by an “inverted U-shaped” curve: Some knowledge is good, but too much knowledge can impair flexibility. In fact, in some fields such as creative writing, there is an optimal amount of formal schooling, after which further schooling decreases the likelihood of writing highly creative fiction.
- Outsiders often have a creative advantage. If creativity were all about deliberate practice, then outsiders who lack the requisite expertise shouldn’t be very creative. But many highly innovative individuals were outsiders to the field in which they contributed. As David Henry Feldman notes, temporary exile from the mainstream may set up an “asynchrony between mind and domain such that the mind encounters significant dissatisfaction with what the domain currently offers”. Many marginalized people throughout history– including immigrants– came up with highly creative ideas not in spite of their experiences as an outsider, but because of their experiences as an outsider. Examples include composer Irving Berlin, filmmaker Ang Lee and the first female Secretary of State, Madeline Albright. These individual didn’t deliberately practice down an already existing path; they created their own. Which leads us to the last key point here..
- Sometimes the creator needs to create a new path for others to deliberately practice. The deliberate practice approach is focused on using deliberate problem solving to learn an existing set of rules within a domain. Creative people are not just good at solving problems, however. They are also good at finding problems. A great example is Galileo’s discoveries, which have received extensive analysis. After much trial-and-error to create a new instrument for observing the night sky, Galileo was able to revolutionize astronomy. It is very clear from an analysis of his process that he didn’t simply deliberate practice his way to this discovery! In fact, his discoveries had absolutely no basis in any existing scientific body of expertise. Almost everything he observed conflicted with Ptolemaic astronomy and Aristotelian cosmology. Most experts of the day rejected his ideas. The most useful expertise for him was actually his training in the visual arts! His Chiaroscuro drawings allowed him to correctly interpret what others had missed. There’s no way anyone in his time could have predicted that his artistic experience would have influenced one of the most important discoveries of modern humanity, and surely if he only deliberately practiced down the already existing path of his time, he would never have made his important discoveries.
I hope I have convinced you that creators are not mere experts. Creativity does draw on a deep knowledge base, and delibrate practice can certainly contribute to many aspects of creativity, but ultimately creativity involves much more than just deliberate practice. Creators are not necessarily the most efficient, but their messy minds and messy processes often allow them to see things others have never seen, and to create new paths that future generations will deliberately practice. I have immense respect for Ericsson’s body of work on deliberate practice, and do believe that deliberate practice can help you get better in virtually any skill. However, I also believe that an accurate understanding of creativity is important for how we recognize, nurture, value, and ultimately, reward it, across all sectors of society.
© 2016 Scott Barry Kaufman, All Rights Reserved
Image credit: iStockPhoto
* Thanks to David Epstein for reminding me of this point.
Note: I drawed heavily on Dean Simonton’s research in this post, and owe a huge debt of gratitude to him for his important research on creativity.
On the nature of creepiness
Francis T. McAndrew & Sara S. Koehnke
Surprisingly, until now there has never been an empirical study of “creepiness.” An international sample of 1341 individuals responded to an online survey. Males were perceived as being more likely to be creepy than females, and females were more likely to associate sexual threat with creepiness. Unusual nonverbal behavior and characteristics associated with unpredictability were also predictors of creepi- ness, as were some occupations and hobbies. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that being “creeped out” is an evolved adaptive emotional response to ambiguity about the presence of threat that enables us to maintain vigilance during times of uncertainty.
Image credit: BPS Research Digest
STUDY ALERT: Conscientiousness Is the Most Powerful Noncognitive Predictor of School Achievement in Adolescents
Conscientiousness Is the Most Powerful Noncognitive Predictor of School Achievement in Adolescents
Barbara Dumfart and Aljoscha C. Neubauer
Much research has demonstrated that intelligence and conscientiousness have a high impact on individual school achievement. To figure out if other noncognitive traits have incremental validity over intelligence and conscientiousness, we conducted a study on 498 eighth- grade students from general secondary schools in Austria. Hierarchical regressions for three criteria (GPA, science, and languages) were performed, including intelligence, the Big Five, self-discipline, grit, self-efficacy, intrinsic-extrinsic motivation, and test anxiety. Intelligence and conscientiousness alone accounted for approximately 40% in the variance of school achievement. For languages and GPA, no other personality and motivational predictors could explain additional variance; in science subjects, only self-discipline added incremental variance. We conclude that – in addition to intelligence as powerful cognitive predictor – conscientiousness is the crucial noncognitive predictor for school achievement and should be focused on when supporting students in improving their performance.
Rethinking Expertise: A Multifactorial Gene–Environment Interaction Model of Expert Performance
Fredrik Ullén, David Zachary Hambrick, and Miriam Anna Mosing
Scientific interest in expertise—superior performance within a specific domain—has a long history in psychology. Although there is a broad consensus that a long period of practice is essential for expertise, a long-standing controversy in the field concerns the importance of other variables such as cognitive abilities and genetic factors. According to the influential deliberate practice theory, expert performance is essentially limited by a single variable: the amount of deliberate practice an individual has accumu- lated. Here, we provide a review of the literature on deliberate practice, expert performance, and its neural correlates. A particular emphasis is on recent studies indicating that expertise is related to numerous traits other than practice as well as genetic factors. We argue that deliberate practice theory is unable to account for major recent findings relating to expertise and expert performance, and propose an alternative multifactorial gene– environment interaction model of expertise, which provides an adequate explanation for the available empirical data and may serve as a useful framework for future empirical and theoretical work on expert performance.
Openness to Experience and Intellect Differentially Predict Creative Achievement in the Arts and Sciences
Openness to Experience and Intellect Differentially Predict Creative Achievement in the Arts and Sciences
Scott Barry Kaufman, Lena C. Quilty, Rachael G. Grazioplene, Jacob B. Hirsh, Jeremy R. Gray, Jordan B. Peterson, and Colin G. DeYoung
The Big Five personality dimension Openness/Intellect is the trait most closely associated with creativity and creative achievement. Little is known, however, regarding the discriminant validity of its two aspects—Openness to Experience (reflecting cognitive engagement with perception, fantasy, aesthetics, and emotions) and Intellect (reflecting cognitive engagement with abstract and semantic information, primarily through reasoning)—in relation to creativity. In four demographically diverse samples totaling 1,035 participants, we investigated the independent predictive validity of Openness and Intellect by assessing the relations among cognitive ability, divergent thinking, personality, and creative achievement across the arts and sciences. We confirmed the hypothesis that whereas Openness predicts creative achievement in the arts, Intellect predicts creative achievement in the sciences. Inclusion of performance measures of general cognitive ability and divergent thinking indicated that the relation of Intellect to scientific creativity may be due at least in part to these abilities. Lastly, we found that Extraversion additionally predicted creative achievement in the arts, independently of Openness. Results are discussed in the context of dual-process theory.
I think this passage, from an unpublished speech Maslow gave to the Saga Foundation in 1969, is especially relevant today:
“The strongest people in our society are maybe the softest– in the sense of being altruistic and idealistic… Part of the American difficulty with affection, love, and sentiment is mixed up with our never-ceasing effort to look tough, strong, invulnerable. It is as if mature adults are trying to cloak themselves in the whole adolescent interpretation of masculinity. I remember recently seeing a teenage antiwar protestor on the television news. He was carrying a placard saying, “I am a man.” Then, he began throwing rocks into storefront windows! Well, men do not throw rocks into windows. Only kids do.”
Then later, on “manliness”:
“The definition of adult masculinity– of what a fully grown, mature man is like– certainly includes softness, that is, the ability to become sentimental and affectionate. It is only the adolescent male who does not dare to show his affection. You know, adolescents today find it very hard to display affection because behavior appears weak. So unfortunately, they miss out on many good things… [Clearly stating good things] is a mature, psychologically health attitude. It is typical of the man who feels authentically self-confident and who can, therefore, be tender. But if you lack self-confidence, then you have to act tough all the time and consequently to overdo tough behavior.”
Often when I’m reading something very complex, I don’t understand it right away. So I sleep. The next day, I may still be overwhelmed. But I keep reading it again. And again. Little by little, as the days go by, things start to get chunked in my head. My working memory burden is alleviated by this chunking, so when I read it yet again, I start to get it. When I was in college, I would just quit reading highly complex reading material, like quantum physics or great literature, because I assumed I just wasn’t smart enough to ever understand it. As I get older, I realize that while there are so many people who are definitely smarter than me, that doesn’t mean I *can’t* get it. I can. It just take patience and enjoying chewing on things bit by bit. The brain has an amazing capacity for chunking, and once this happens, it can relieve roadblocks to cognitive processing. Just thought I’d share this life insight. Too many people give up too soon because they are comparing their rate of processing to others. That’s so not necessary. What’s the rush?